In Mexico, following the February 22nd assassination of the drug trafficker Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, nicknamed 'El Mencho,' a wave of violence erupted. Chaotic images of the destruction have circulated across news sites and social media, with residents and travelers being instructed to shelter in place. The most reported violence is in Jalisco. But there are roadblocks, fires, bombs in public places, and violence throughout the country. 

El Mencho was born in the state of Michoacán, where we have supporters of the Progressive Labor Party (PLP). This group was key in organizing the demonstration in the center of Morelia, the capital of the state of Michoacán, to protest the disappearance of a teacher named Abril (see CHALLENGE, October 4, 2025). Shortly afterward, the mayor of Uruapan, Carlos Manzo, was murdered during a public holiday. Many participants in the demonstration for Abril went to Mexico City to protest the assassination of the reformer Manzo, which seemed to represent a new level of impunity and was linked to the demonstration against Abril's disappearance (see CHALLENGE, December 10, 2025).

Now we see that the government of Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum charged three local government officials and members of the same MORENA party are being accused of being the original perpetrators of the murder (El País, 2/17). The same article suggests that the Mexican state maintains there is a connection between the Jalisco New Generation Cartel and Manzo's murder. This is the same cartel attributed to being led by El Mencho.

The provocative title of the book, "Cartels Don't Exist," promotes a thesis well-known to the working class worldwide: that criminal organizations are symbols. These organizations are the outward form, the appearance, of capitalism. There is a relationship between businesspeople and politicians who take advantage of these organizations to implement the violence that maintains the social system and blame it on something external to themselves. These critics of the cartel concept are liberals and will not name the essence, which is capitalism.

The capitalist media meanwhile are experts in sensationalizing the violence in a country like Mexico, painting a caricature of workers across the greater region as having some kind of general connection to crime and drug trafficking. This racist characterization helps the capitalist state rationalize and launch the brutal attacks we are seeing in real time as ICE and Border Patrol shoot, kidnap, and deport our class sisters and brothers. The bosses and their media rarely if ever discuss the role of imperialism in destabilizing entire countries’ economies and displacing millions of workers, such as the effects of NAFTA signed into law by liberal racist President Bill Clinton in the 1990s.

The reactionary and sexist forces were local, and the liberal government of Sheinbaum and Morena had nothing for the working class except to send money and soldiers to serve the bosses. The question of class is fundamental and scientific. We must analyze the balance of class forces, as Mao Zedong and communists in China did nearly a century ago, and organize the workers to combat racism and sexism, organizing as a class in struggle—not to demand restitution or appeal to the bosses' class. 

The challenge is great because death and life are the two sides of the scale. But this is the condition of the working class until the revolution. The counterattack of struggle is the only pressure our class has on the side of life, and all the pressure of weapons and money is on the side of death. We must get the soldiers and workers alike to take up arms under the leadership of the mass international PLP and confront the bosses to escape this ruthless capitalist hell and build a new communist world.

As President Donald  Trump convenes his “Board of Peace” to consolidate Israeli and U.S. exploitation and seizure of Gaza, death and suffering continue to stalk the population. Estimates are that 3-15 times as many Gazans have died since October, 2023 as the official toll of over 72,000 - not only from conflict, but from malnutrition and disease. At least 56% of the dead are women, children and the elderly (Reuters, 2/19). Since the so-called ceasefire, Israel has occupied 53% of the territory, relief supplies remain severely restricted, and almost no one has been allowed egress for life-saving medical treatment. The long-standing Israeli dream of ethnic cleansing of all Palestinians is continuing apace in Gaza, as it also accelerates in the West Bank. 

Meanwhile Trump envisions a luxurious territory under his control, not only as a beachfront resort, but as an anchor of U.S. control of the fossil fuel resources in and around Gaza, indeed in the entire Middle East (BBC, 1/26).

Reshifting of U.S. bosses’ world order

The Board of Peace invitation to over 50 countries does not even mention Gaza per se, but purports to be an engine for solving widespread international conflicts. It is an effort to rework the NATO/U.S. domination of the world after World War II into a new structure of U.S. domination, this time with non-European autocratic nations as allies. 

Among the 26 countries that have so far accepted Board membership are Argentina, El Salvador, Hungary, Turkey, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Indonesia, and Israel. Although EU countries have declined to join, Russia, China and India are still considering it. The Executive Board consists of Chairman Trump (for life), as well as Steven Witkoff, Jared Kushner, Mark Rubio, the president of the World Bank and the Chairman of Apollo International. No Palestinians are included of course, except a technical board seat for the collaborationist Palestinian Authority that administers the West Bank. Security is proposed to be enforced by thousands of international soldiers housed at a huge new military base to be constructed on the ruins of Rafah in southern Gaza [The Guardian, 2/19]. Armed Israeli-supported Palestinian gangs that have opposed Hamas and are thought to have seized much of what relief has entered the Strip will be empowered as police.

More suffering for Palestinian workers

As communists, we recognize that the weakness of the anti-imperialist movement of Palestinians, from the time of the Ottoman Empire to British colonialism to U.S. sponsored Zionism, has been the lack of a class-conscious resistance and continued loyalty to a Palestinian ruling class. Whether in the West Bank or Gaza, governance has always been controlled by a small elite, in league with international capitalists. Palestinian workers have no hope of achieving a society in their interests unless they become part of an international working-class alliance, be they Arab or Jew or from all nations of the world. As declining U.S. capitalists become more desperate and competition with China accelerates, all workers of the world face the risk of devastating war and deprivation. It is urgent that we build an international communist movement to overthrow capitalism and imperialism everywhere - our survival is at stake.

Students and workers from the Philippines, together with supporters in the United States — including members of the Progressive Labor Party (PLP)— have organized over the past several weeks around several individual cases, winning important victories, including distributing CHALLENGE to raise awareness of the Party’s politics. 

The first campaign took place in Washington State to stop the deportation of Kuya G (“kuya” meaning brother). Despite suffering from serious medical conditions, including ulcerative colitis, and after months in a detention facility, he was scheduled to be deported to the Philippines. A broad protest effort emerged: medical professionals, including a PLP doctor, submitted letters documenting the danger to his health. Rallies were held at the detention center and the airport, and demonstrations took place at the Philippine Embassy and at the ambassador’s residence in Washington, D.C.

As authorities prepared to place him on the deportation flight, protesters — aided by local union members — were able to move through the airport and reach the tarmac. Faced with mounting pressure and clear medical evidence, officials were forced to acknowledge that he was too ill to travel. He was removed from the plane, later released from detention, and is now receiving medical treatment. The victory demonstrated the power of collective action when workers and students act together.

A second case involved the arrest of a young worker from the U.S. supporting Indigenous agricultural workers in Mindoro. On January 1, the Armed Forces of the Philippines bombed the area, killing children and another student and displacing hundreds. The young worker was detained by the military for a month. Sustained pressure followed: protests were organized at the U.S. State Department, the Senate office buildings, and the Philippine Embassy in Washington, D.C., alongside actions nationwide. After weeks of mobilization, she was released and returned to the United States. Again, organized pressure proved decisive.

These struggles have prompted deeper discussion about the political trajectory of the Philippines. After mass protests forced the removal and exile of Ferdinand Marcos Sr. to Hawaii, the succeeding Aquino government — representing landlord interests — was not supported by many on the left. The military, however, backed Aquino, and as many workers observed, liberal electoral change left fundamental conditions untouched. Within a relatively short period, first Rodrigo Duterte and then Marcos Jr. returned to power, continuing to serve U.S. imperial interests. Nevertheless, more work needs to be done to win workers to revolutionary communist politics. Debates continue around the characterization of the Philippines as semi-feudal, even as the central role of the urban working class is increasingly acknowledged.

Meanwhile, the Washington Post, under the ownership of Jeff Bezos, recently ran an editorial praising the military buildup in the Philippines as a necessary measure to protect trade routes — a clear example of how the ruling-class media promote imperial expansion. At the University of Maryland, the TerpCHRP group is working to build a campaign opposing military funding for research and development on campus, recognizing the university’s role in supporting war-making infrastructure.

These developments underscore both the possibilities and the challenges ahead. Victories have shown that organized workers and students can win concrete gains, but broader political clarity and sustained organizing remain essential.

Build unity door to door! 

On a recent Saturday, a couple of comrades and I joined a canvassing training for Janeese Lewis George outside the Highlands Grill in Ward 7. George is the latest D.C. mayoral candidate who uses progressive rhetoric to mislead our class. In total, about 30 volunteers came from across the city. There were high‑school students, professors, bartenders, college students, and community organizers. Most were Black. The lead organizers wore purple shirts and gave us a quick “talk‑to‑your‑neighbors” exercise so we could reach our across‑the‑river neighbors.

The event was undeniably well‑organized. The training emphasized a listening‑first approach: ask each person about what issue matters to them most, then gradually steer the conversation toward the candidate, her positions, and how to vote.

Yet, as I stood beside the volunteers, I felt a growing dissonance between the mechanics of the campaign and the material realities of our class. The promise that electing a progressive candidate will “fix” systemic oppression rests on the lie that a new face will fundamentally redistribute wealth and power. History shows that even well‑intentioned officials quickly become custodians of the same racist and sexist structures that exploit workers everywhere.

With George specifically, she proudly called for defunding the Maryland Police Department during her 2020 Ward 4 council campaign. After winning, she quickly flipped the script, pledging to raise the police budget to the maximum statutory amount. Politicians can and will do the bidding of the ruling class and try to keep us in the dark. We, the grassroots volunteers, never know what conversations are happening behind closed doors with corporate backers.

Ultimately, only a dictatorship of our class can bring the change we so desperately need. My conviction is that our collective power lies not in handing a ballot to a lying candidate who will escape accountability, but in organizing ourselves to meet our own material needs. Providing mutual aid, educating our neighbors, engaging in mass organizations, and organizing our co-workers. When we prioritize those struggles, we build a resilient community that can demand, not just hope for, real change.

That being said, the canvassing effort does offer a useful foothold. It gives a legitimate excuse to walk door‑to‑door, sit on stoops, and hear directly from neighbors (especially when confronting a media machine that wants us to stay divided based on gender, race, nationality, and sexuality!). These conversations are crucial for strategizing where Progressive Labor Party members should focus locally. So, I intend to return next week, not to sell a candidate, but to listen. I will ask my neighbors what they need today and use those answers to shape my club’s work as we take steps toward revolution. Propaganda has led workers to believe that one new face can be our savior. But the truth is simple: our power lives in solidarity, not in any individual champion. The workers, united, can never be defeated!
Building confidence to build a base

When I was preparing for the one day Progressive Labor Party (PLP)  school, one of the texts I read was the PLP “Build a Base” document from the 1960s. Many interesting points were raised in the document, but because it was clearly written for more experienced PLP members, it made me feel a bit overwhelmed. Many thoughts were going through my mind after reading it: am I cut out for basebuilding? If I were to basebuild, what would it look like in practice? Would I find a method that feels natural to who I am? 

During my discussions with my workshop group, I was able to find a lot of clarity. I became more certain of the necessity for communism—so of course I am cut out for basebuilding! We all are. We all have to be! And as I figure out how basebuilding will take shape in my life, our conversations gave me confidence that I can build off of the skills and relationships I already have, or will have in the future. I’m a student and a tutor, so that gives me lots of opportunities to connect with other young people who recognize that capitalism is destroying the world. If we were to develop a friendship, I have no doubt that would lead to more concrete conversations about PL’s work. (In fact, I’ve already experienced this)! At the root of my basebuilding trepidation, however, is a fear of rejection, something common to newer communists like myself. Overcoming this will take work, since it mostly stems from anti-communist indoctrination and my belief that others received the same conditioning.  

However, I would like to leave you all with something wise one of my group members said: There are strategic reasons you should be upfront about being a communist, as being dishonest makes it harder to basebuild. But also, by withholding your communism from people in your life, you are pretending an important part of yourself does not exist. This has inspired me to be more honest with my friends, relying on the not-so-blind-faith that our love will challenge anti-communist rhetoric, leading to fruitful conversations and, more importantly, action!
HHHHH

Neighbor: Hey, can I get your number?

“Hey, can I get your number?” I asked my parking neighbor during August of last year when the racist slumlords of our apartment complex towed her car through no fault of her own. Building management  failed to communicate with the towing company that her parking pass was paid for, costing my neighbor hundreds of dollars in towing fees. In the face of typical parasitic behavior amongst the property owners, extracting every penny they can from the working class, forming connections was the answer. 

We exchanged numbers in order to have each other’s backs in case of future mishaps with the slumlords. This small act eventually blossomed into a beautiful connection between my parking neighbor and me. 

Months later, she reached out to me to express her frustrations with her new parking neighbor. Serendipitously, comrades and I from Progressive Labor Party were planning a game night to build a foundation for a tenant’s union around the same time she called. This granted us the opportunity to take our connection to a higher level by inviting her and her son to the game night and connecting her with other neighbors. 

This game night turned out to be a huge success, enabling us to practice our line of forming multiracial unity amongst the working class by bringing a racially diverse group of neighbors together and challenging the isolation that prevents us from fighting the bosses. 

When I invited my car neighbor to the game night, she immediately shouted, “Oh my goodness this is exactly what we’ve been wanting for such a long time! This apartment complex never organizes any community events for us!” Statements like these are a reminder of how important the Party’s leadership is in building a base in the working class by any means necessary. 
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Town hall: Ed workers vs failing conditions

Two days ago, while walking near the Zócalo in Oaxaca City, I came across hundreds of people gathered in the town square awaiting the return of their representatives from a meeting with the state governor. After speaking with several participants, it became clear that they were primary and secondary school teachers, along with physical education instructors.

The issues under dispute include unpaid wages dating back to January, deteriorating working conditions in the schools, and the increasingly difficult circumstances faced by students. Some teachers also raised concerns about growing violence from outside groups affecting their communities.

Each year in Oaxaca, negotiations between the government and the teachers’ union center on salaries and working conditions, reflecting ongoing structural tensions that remain unresolved. Local newspapers have begun covering the struggle in greater detail, and it would be valuable for comrades closer to the struggle to report more fully on these developments in CHALLENGE. 

This struggle is part of a broader pattern of attacks facing educators and the working class more generally. The situation bears close attention, and solidarity with these teachers is essential. The fight continues — la lucha continúa.
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One battle after another: bosses’ fever dream

Recently, our club and friends had a “movie afternoon” to watch the award-winning One Battle After Another film that depicts a ruling class fever dream of revolution. It was directed by Paul Thomas Anderson and stars Leonardo DiCaprio, Teyana Taylor, Sean Penn, and Chase Infiniti. This sounds like a sterling cast and director and should have been great. But our group begged to differ. One comrade wrote the following letter to express his critique:

Under the current fascist Trump Regime, bourgeois artists and directors need a way to distract and co-opt the energy of the people into idle debate instead of organizing. The contradictions of U.S. capitalism and “democracy” have resulted in blatant fascist violence by ICE to preserve the racist divisive status quo. Director Paul Thomas Anderson’s understanding that there is no hiding from the violence that has always been present in Black and brown communities has been twisted in this movie to portray working class revolutionary energy into indiscriminate fetishism and violence.

Anderson reflects the “othering” of blackness by portraying a perverse version of Black women’s supposed insatiable sexuality. Throughout history, the bodies of the marginalized have been trivialized in the pursuit of resources for the capitalist class.  From the bombardment of Venezuela for oil to the rape of Congo for rubber, Black and brown people have always been objects to viciously attack in the eyes of the capitalist. Teyanna Taylor’s character represents the same psychopathic objectification forced on the women of marginalized communities. The female body is used as an excuse for violence of the pigs eating at the troughs of the bourgeois. It’s a disgusting use of Black actors and paints the women, usually the main contributors of the liberation movement, as distractions.

The idealized use of violence in the film, paying implicit homage to the Weather Underground, also paints a sexy picture of violence rather than showing the tedious, but actually impactful, work of organizing in one’s community. The “French 75” underground in this movie is hailed as revolutionary “heroes,” but they didn’t change the material conditions for anyone ravaged by the capitalist state as they simply blew up buildings. 

Their violence only led to the movement being targeted and swiftly crushed by the state due to the romantic tactics of the organization, thus conveying depressing defeatism to the audience. 

There are no romantic heroes in the fight for a better future. Willing participants ready to fight day in and day out for a better tomorrow is what is required. A movie showing our current reality of capitalist crisis while presenting workers and community members as passive actors will not lead us to revolution. It is obvious that we need to organize together for future generations if we want to see a better world, not focus on phony ideas of revolution. May we organize for a better future, not sit around and sedate our lives, like the bumbling petit bourgeois revolutionary “Bob” played by Leonardo DiCaprio!
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