PORT-AU-PRINCE, HAITI, November 19 — Huguens Leroi was a 24-year-old student at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences (FASCH) campus of the University of Haiti (UEH), and an actor in a university theater group that commemorated the 2010 assassination of his activist mentor, Professor JnAnil Louis-Juste.  In October, Huguens was himself killed by two gunshots at a busy intersection near the Port-au-Prince airport. As usual, the police are lying about “an investigation being under way.” Another FASCH activist, Onald Auguste, was “disappeared” from the campus on October 31 (the second recent case), and has not been heard from since.  On November 10, students organized a one-day strike to protest his kidnapping, blocking roads with a demonstration at the Ministry of the Interior.

FASCH students regard these assassinations and disappearances as more than just business as usual by Haiti’s ruling class. They see them as part of a new attempt by President Michel Martelly to accelerate the move toward fascist social control. The Martelly regime is organizing vigilante killers known as milis wòz (literally “pink militias,” because Martelly often wears pink) to eliminate “extremists.” A music video on Haitian TV shows macho uniformed officer-thug types rapping and recruiting young men from the United Nations earthquake refugee camps, and lining up young children to salute them.

Martelly recently attempted to reinstate a Duvalier-style Haitian army under his direct control for the stated purpose of eliminating foreign and local “extremists” and “terrorists.” But this plan led Martelly into conflict with the imperialists who really rule Haiti. Although the U.S. embassy maneuvered to get Martelly into power and then supplied him with a prime minister from former U.S. President Bill Clinton’s staff (Gary Conille), they apparently do not trust him with his own army for now.  Martelly was forced to accept instead a beefed-up Haitian National Police. (The disagreement may have prompted Martelly’s attack on the U.S. embargo against Cuba during his visit to Havana this week.)

UN ‘Peacekeepers’: An Occupying Army

The National Police is no less a fascist force; one unit is now on trial in Les Cayes for the massacre of unarmed prisoners.  And behind the police, as always, stand the UN’s “peacekeepers,” the occupying army MINUSTAH, which recently had its mandate renewed with strong backing from U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

FASCH students are fighting this fascist trend, linking up with unionized workers and warning all workers of the need to organize against it. An antifascist resistance cannot rely on liberal bourgeois forces. PLP in Haiti is saying that the only way to defeat fascism is to overthrow the capitalist system itself with communist revolution.  And the key to launching a revolutionary movement in Haiti is to build the international Party here as a communist fighting force. The struggle against rising fascism today will test and harden communists in Haiti and other students and workers for the even greater battles ahead. PL is in a position to lead this struggle because of our growing roots among workers both organized and unorganized, including the camp residents.

Meanwhile, there is conflict within the Haitian ruling class over Martelly’s fondness for dictatorial power, which strips the “democratic” veil from fascism.  Last month, he arrested Deputy Arnel Belizaire in spite of the deputy’s parliamentary immunity. But a general outcry forced Belizaire’s release. The Haitian parliament summoned the Minister of the Interior and National Defense to answer for his boss’s illegal move.

Fight Privatization of Education

While students are being disappeared and killed, there is an ongoing struggle against the downgrading of UEH, a free public university. Education policy has shifted toward favoring expensive private schools like Quisqueya University, in line with the education plan of Bill Clinton’s Interim Committee for the Reconstruction of Haiti.  A policy paper from the University Council noted a deliberate degradation of UEH and its budget going back ten years.  (One example of the consequences: Penniless freshmen at the Faculty of Ethnology campus are required to buy and donate one book to the library before being allowed into classes.) 

Students from FASCH, the Ecole Normale Supérieure (Teachers’ College), and the Ethnology campus organized mass meetings to denounce the state policy of privatizing higher education, in effect restricting it to those who can pay private fees.  Despite threats of expulsion, student leaders called for restoration of funds, courses, faculty salaries and student aid.

One student member of PL, who has been hurt badly by the bosses’ hatred for his activism, said at a meeting — almost through clenched teeth — “Je m’accroche à mon parti communiste.” (“I’m sticking to my communist party.”) We don’t yet see in Haiti the mass upsurge in struggle visible in the Arab Spring, the Occupy movement, the strikes and militant protests in Greece and the U.K.  But a group of students and workers in Haiti issued a message of solidarity with OWS, focusing on the fascist character of police repression of protest in both the U.S. and Haiti.  The Martellys and Clintons of the world will one day have their turn to ride in that coffin (see box).  They will learn the lesson of Mussolini, who killed and killed communists until there were millions of them.J

MINUSTAH: Fascism UN-Style

MINUSTAH is just another form of fascism, the genocidal imperialist UN-staffed version. The “peacekeepers” have already lost all credibility from their brutal repression, as in the recent rape of a young man by Uruguayan troops, and who brought cholera into Haiti. Students are fighting MINUSTAH, too.  They led a big anti-MINUSTAH march in October, featuring traditional Haitian culture as a weapon of contemporary struggle. The students carried a coffin containing the effigy of a MINUSTAH officer, and, with overtones of vaudou (voodoo) symbolism, they set it down at every crossroad, chanting over and around it. The march ended in the cemetery, where the students burned the coffin and its despised contents.

Occupy Wall Street has given U.S. capitalists high hopes that clash with the egalitarian goals of the movement’s rank and file. The bosses dream most fondly of enlisting OWS in re-electing war-maker Obama, who just upped the likelihood of a new major war by killing twenty-five Pakistani soldiers and opening a U.S. Marine base in Australia, opposite archrival China.  

The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), U.S. imperialism’s top think tank, gushes that the occupiers “could emerge as a battle-hardened cadre of skilled organizers well-positioned to influence the issues at stake in the 2012 elections” (CFR website, 11/11/11). The CFR thinks that OWS can help sell Obama’s push to tax the rich to pay for global war readiness, in the guise of “fairness” and job creation: “Increasing taxes on capital gains and closing corporate tax loopholes would allow renewed investments in critical public goods like roads and railways.”

This plan dovetails with the U.S. Army War College’s calls for renewing “infrastructure required to effectively project our military forces overseas” (USAWC report, 3/15/06). But many in OWS see through the voting booth farce. At the New York City camp near Wall Street, the idea of voting was highly unpopular. Some protesters sat on voter registration tables set up by Democratic Party flunkies and refused to register.

Bosses Misguide Workers with ‘99%’ Politics

Savvier ruling-class strategists, however, understand that the success of OWS reflects the growing alienation of Obama’s base due to widening Middle East wars and a flagging U.S. economy. In the liberal, imperialist, Rockefeller-bankrolled Nation magazine (12/12/11), William Greider wrote, “Many of the young people and minorities who campaigned and voted for [Obama] in 2008 might drift away to Occupy’s direct action... [and] may just skip voting in 2012.”

On the other hand, Greider sees how his imperialist masters could benefit from the lack of revolutionary, communist leadership within OWS: “Yet this new force can ultimately help Obama if he responds to its message. Led by the young, the movement is aligning with the reviving militancy of labor and other progressive constituencies. The spirit is open-armed and patriotic, not negative and divisive.... [T]his movement is not about electoral politics — not yet, anyway. It is about saving the country.”

“Country-saving” boils down to promoting workers’ patriotic loyalty to “their” nation, which is controlled top to bottom by the bosses. This translates to all-class unity to support the bosses’ imperialist oil wars abroad, and domestic fascism to guarantee control of the working class in the U.S. The chief goal of legislation like the Patriot Act is to intimidate the working class and to cut wages, pensions, Social Security, Medicare and other social services without resistance.

Nicolaus Mills, a Sarah Lawrence professor funded by the Rockefeller Foundation, likened OWS activism to the “youth-inspiring” president who helped launch U.S. genocide in Vietnam. She asserted, “In his Inaugural Address, President John F. Kennedy declared that the torch had been passed to a new generation. A year later, in its Port Huron Statement of 1962, the group Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), took Kennedy’s generational declaration a step further, insisting that the time had come for America to make a new commitment to social justice. For SDS, an organization dominated by college and graduate students, participatory democracy was a version of Occupy Wall Street’s horizontal democracy” (CNN, 10/26/11).

In the 1960s, our Party worked mightily within SDS to expose and attack its class-denying, nationalist politics, and to advance the internationalist idea of anti-racist, anti-imperialist, working-class communist revolution. We forged an anti-racist worker-student caucus that exposed the deadly error of uniting with the liberal Democrats’ stand for “negotiations” with the Vietnamese. We stated that there was nothing to negotiate. With U.S imperialism invading Southeast Asia and slaughtering millions, our demand, in the interest of the international working class, was simple: “Get out!” PLP raised this slogan within the SDS and in the shops and unions until it became a nation-wide call.

Today we must combat OWS’s misleading 99% formulation (see article, page 8). It denies the Marxist understanding of a working class in a life-and-death struggle with capitalists, and suggests that a wealthy 1% of an otherwise undifferentiated “us” are bad but reformable.

This disguises the class nature of capitalist society. We can’t afford to ignore that the 1%, the wealthy, use their lackeys to enforce their profit system: the cops and the courts, national and local politicians, military officers, foremen and supervisors, principals and school superintendents. If they are part of the 99%, we have traitors in our midst.

Oakland Union Hacks Stifle Heroic Workers’ Rebellion

While the OWS movement has for the most part followed liberal Democratic politics of “tax the rich, tighten financial regulations and reform the system,” some exceptions stand out. While New York demonstrators have kept mainly to public places, for example, activists in Oakland shut down its port and several banks for several hours on November 2. In Occupy Los Angeles, PL’ers led an anti-racist, anti-sexist march to the police station, protesting the cops’ brutal attacks on black and Latino workers and youth.

But union hacks are effectively pulling the plug on local Occupy activists’ demands for a West Coast dock strike on December 12. Disgracing many decades of communist-inspired militancy, which once organized and led the longshoremen’s union in a general strike that won a 30-hour week, these class traitors said, “To be clear, the ILWU, the Coast Longshore Division and Local 21 are not coordinating independently or in conjunction with any self-proclaimed organization or group to shut down any port or terminal….”  (Journal of Commerce, 11/23/11). West Coast ports represent a vital interest for the ruling class because they underpin potential U.S. war efforts against China.

Clinton’s Labor Secretary Robert Reich, commenting on the economic causes of OWS, foresees a fascist political outcome, a new millennium of class collaboration:

Rather than ushering in an era of political paralysis, the Great Depression of the 1930s changed American politics altogether — realigning the major parties, creating new coalitions, and yielding new solutions. Prolonged economic distress of a decade or more could have the same effect this time around. (NY Times, 11/24/11).

Reich Omits the Suffering and Struggles of the Working Class

Reich goes on to mention three decades of U.S. prosperity following World War II, though he fails to elaborate on how that war is now the model for the next big “new solution.” He conveniently forgets the more than 20 million working-class war dead since World War II. He dismisses the millions more who will be the victims of World War III, the inevitable future of inter-imperialist rivalry.

Likewise, Reich ignores the recurring recessions under capitalism that throw millions of workers on the street; the massive big-city rebellions led by black workers in response to racist unemployment and police brutality; the huge strikes by steel, electrical, auto, postal, transit and shipbuilding workers, all of whom missed out on “decades of U.S. prosperity.”

Such are the “shared fruits of growth,” in Reich’s phrase, that the class-collaborationist misleaders of OWS promise under capitalism.

NEW YORK, November 13 — Four student members of PLP from the City University of New York (CUNY) camped at Zuccotti Park this weekend and spread communist ideas among occupiers and supporters. Our multi-racial group stood out in an occupation that was at least two-thirds white. In addition to fighting racism, these young comrades gave the occupiers a glimpse of communism.

It was 47 degrees when we arrived on a late Friday afternoon, though it felt much colder. One student comrade of Nigerian descent and a recent friend we made at OWS last week came to help us settle in. It is encouraging to see how quickly young people can grasp and even defend PL’s ideas. We spent three hours circling the park, trying to find a living space. Luckily, we had an old friend and made a new one at the occupation library, and they offered us a living space there for the night.

That night was spent forming relationships and putting forth communist values. We took in as many people into the library as possible, including two young women from Occupy Nova Scotia. Working together, we put up a tarp to block out the wind. We read stories in a circle before going to sleep on the concrete.

A Glimpse of Communism

We later pointed out how collective values would be the basis of relationships under communism. When asked how the library came about, our friend said, “First there were a couple of books. Then someone brought in a bin. Then people started organizing the books. From just working together, we now have a whole library.” This is a glimpse of how society could be run under communism — each according to commitment, without any wages.

At 5:30 AM, one PL’er began helping out in the kitchen. We all began our morning with a CHALLENGE sale. A few passersby said, “I remember you guys from the 60s!” Later we landed at a meeting on Islamophobia in the public-space atrium on Wall Street. One PL’er connected the attack on Muslims to the infiltration of NYPD spies inside Muslim Student Associations at various campuses of CUNY, which gave Muslim students’ records to the cops. We also exposed “Islamophobia” for what it really is: racism.

One woman at the meeting raised the idea of white privilege, which proposes that white workers benefit from racism. We explained how the attack on Muslim students and workers is a class issue, and how racism hurts all workers, including white workers, because it divides the working class and dilutes our unity against capitalist exploitation and the rise of fascism. Members of the group nodded their heads in agreement. By this time, a comrade from Palestine had come to support us. The PL contingent’s internationalism grabbed the attention of a lot of people.

Our ideas on racism gained respect among occupiers and observers. One black worker had previously refused to take CHALLENGE. “I won’t read it,” he said. But his eyes widened in surprise as a young South Asian comrade explained the intricate relationship between capitalism and racism. After hours of discussion, he let his guard down and took the CHALLENGE. We had built a respectful relationship. He contacted us the next day to continue our political discussions.

We found that many workers and students at OWS are open to communist ideas. But only through our persistent presence can our ideas be put into practice.

PL’ers Confront Racism

That night we attempted again to participate at the General Assembly (GA), where OWS leaders, or “facilitators,” tried to neutralize workers’ militancy and steer them away from confronting racism. One example: An OWS solidarity letter, while condemning racist graffiti on Ocean Parkway, stated that OWS had “diversity.” One young person noted that OWS was in fact “not diverse yet and minority groups have yet to join the movement.” The GA leaders abruptly decided to move on and asked to take suggestions on this question in private, “in the interests of time.” They also ignored the immediate concern of every occupier and observer: space and heat during the winter. But they had no problem spending two hours to discuss OWS logos.

While the GA did its best to immobilize workers, PL’ers formed a discussion group of their own. It began with a conversation about racism with one unemployed worker. As the discussion progressed, others came around. As we talked about the Russian Revolution and its fight against racism, even more people joined. Someone yelled, “Louder!” and the PL’er repeated: “Stalin’s red army viciously fought the Nazis. Communists gave blood to ensure these fascists died.” Two workers with disagreements still encouraged the PL’er to stand up on the marble bench, creating an impromptu soapbox speech.

Fighting Sexism

Our friends from campus applauded us, saying we were “hardcore.” One was there with a socialist group. After the PL’er outlined our Party’s political history, this friend invited himself to future events.

At that point, a man came up to the PL’er and said, “I want to apologize. I got a bit heated earlier.” This man was referring to a racist comment he’d made: “I’m going to nuke all you Muslims!” When a PL’er tried to say something, he yelled at her and refused to look her way. We stayed disciplined and shooed the man away, calling him out on his racism and sexism. OWS reflects U.S. society, and sexism is clearly present there. After we struggled with some men who had verbally harassed us, our friend said, “Wow, you guys are serious!” He was impressed with both our communist politics and our practice. 

This weekend was full of action and productivity. PL’ers struggled with themselves as they pushed their limits of commitment. One comrade said the experience “made me that much more devoted to the Party.” We also struggled with a close friend who is hostile to communism but who camped with us in solidarity. After he watched one PL’er fight against individualism in the park by helping an occupier find a space to sleep, the friend even distributed some CHALLENGES. He likes our politics more than he is willing to admit. 

We ended our occupation with one last CHALLENGE sale. Altogether, we distributed more than 200 papers and made a lot of friends. Our next steps are to continue raising communist politics at OWS while attending the working-group meetings, and also to bring the energy of OWS onto our campuses, where we are waging a related struggle against racist tuition hikes. Building young leadership is crucial to waging the fight for communism.J

Update: This article was written before the police raid. PL’ers are still involved in the Occupy movement all over New York City and are bringing OWS into their workplaces and campuses.

PORT-AU-PRINCE, HAITI, November 15 — “Mr. Martelly (the president of Haiti) is a fascist, no doubt about it.”

“Haiti is becoming more and more fascist every day.”

“Look at what happened to G, a small vendor jailed and moved from one prison to another one even worse, just for talking back to the son of a Tonton Macoute [the armed paramilitary organized under the Duvaliers’ dictatorship, 1957-1986]. That’s fascism!”

“Or, comrade C here, head of his union at the General Hospital. He and three other leaders were suspended from work without trial and charged with ‘presumed’ acts of vandalism after a long strike for back pay for nurses. They’re just trying to crush the unions.”

“This is not 1957. If Martelly dreams of being a fascist, we will show that we don’t agree.”

These were some of the comments made by a dozen rank-and-filers, private- and public-sector union leaders, and university students at a chita-pale (literally, “sit down and talk”) in a union confederation office. The subject at hand was whether Haiti was turning fascist and what the workers’ response should be. The consensus was clear about the political situation. A lively debate followed about what to do.

Today’s Student, Tomorrow’s Worker

One worker, enthusiastic about building a worker-student alliance, noted that today’s student is tomorrow’s worker. In that spirit, a student suggested that the hospital union leaders now under attack not rely solely on a legal defense. He proposed that workers be mobilized to take many forms of action, from a press conference to a sit-in at the Ministry of Public Health to demand an end to repression at the hospital.

This action could be built not only inside the hospital among workers and doctors, but also among students at nearby campuses of the public university and the patient population. In that spirit, hospital workers have consistently included demands for improved medical care as part of their struggle.

One worker said he thought we should wait until a meeting could be held with the new Minister of Public Health, who was not in office at the time of the strike and original charges. A student responded that if a sit-in were held first, it would increase the pressure on the minister to drop the charges. In any case, it would provide a useful experience in organizing workers in the face of growing fascism.

Fascism: The Rulers’ Escape Plan

Michel Martelly is certainly a gutter fascist with a long history of supporting his Tonton Macoute friends and currently building George Racine’s MSTK (Mouvman Sosyal Tèt Kale), a group of street thugs at the center of Martelly’s murderous “Pink Militia.” Fascism, however, is more than the desire of a particular individual to carve a place for himself. Fascism is the rulers’ escape plan, their attempt to contain the periodic crises of capitalism by both intensifying their oppression of the working class and keeping sections of their own class in line. This is not business as usual for the bosses, and so workers must respond in kind.

The chita-pale group also discussed the growth of fascism in the U.S., especially the attacks against Occupy demonstrators in various cities. The workers were stunned to hear about 500 armed cops violently attacking the encampment at Occupy Oakland. They saw immediately the connection between the struggle against finance capital in the U.S. and their own struggle for jobs, housing, and clean water. They know that the same banks that rule the U.S. also rule in Haiti.

More than half the members of Bill Clinton’s Interim Committee for the Reconstruction of Haiti are bankers; Haitian education reconstruction is in the hands of the Inter-American Development Bank. The workers and students quickly drafted a message of support to be read at the Occupy Wall Street demonstration on November 17.