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Workers History: Harriet Tubman & John Brown, models of multiracial unity
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- 29 August 2022 633 hits
The following article can be used in history and other humanities classes. This model of multiracial unity is a good foundation to set the tone for the school year.
This coming October 17 marks the 163nd an- niversary of the raid on Harpers Ferry. It was a revolutionary revolt showing the need for militant, antiracist, multiracial, revolutionary struggle! The fight against racist terror continues with the re- bellions sparked by police murders this summer. As workers recognize the power of unity, the cops crack down harder on protests.
The southern enslaving class was terrified by the Harpers Ferry raiders’ militant, multiracial unity, a real-life rebuke of their racist stereotyp- ing. One of the raiders’ five Black freedom fight- ers, Osborne Anderson, described the atmosphere before-hand:
“I have been permitted to realize to its furthest, fullest extent, the moral, mental, physical, social harmony of an Anti-Slavery family, carrying out to the letter the principle of the Anti-slavery cause. In John Brown’s house, and in John Brown’s presence, men from widely different parts of the continent met and united into one company, wherein no hateful prejudice dared intrude its ugly self — no ghost of a distinction found space to enter.”
From childhood, Brown vowed to fight slavery
This trust among white and Black fighters did not happen overnight. John Brown’s father was a conductor on the Underground Railroad in Ohio. At 12, Brown met a fugitive enslaved boy and saw the suffering slavery had inflicted
on him, influencing Brown forever.
He believed Black and white work-
ers were completely equal. He put
this knowledge into action daily.
As an adult, Brown moved his family to a farm in North Elba, N.Y. near a Black community of former enslaved workers. Black sisters and brothers were regularly invited to the house for dinner with Brown’s family. He addressed them as “Mr.” or “Mrs.,” sharply contrasting with the era’s racist mores (true even among many slavery opponents).
Preparing for the raid, Brown turned to both Black and white abolitionists. In April 1858, while gathering money, arms and volunteers in Canada, he visited Harriet Tubman. She was well-known to the Black fugitive slave community there, having personally guided many to freedom. Tubman sup- ported his plans, urging him to set July 4, 1858, for the raid and promising to bring volunteers. They agreed to communicate through their mutual friend Frederick Douglass, reaching out to Black abolitionist and former enslaved workers.
Tubman single-handedly freed 300 enslaved workers
Tubman’s own experiences made her and Brown allies. Born around 1820 to enslaved par- ents on a Maryland plantation, Tubman performed house and field work, was subjected to physical abuse and tearfully saw many of her nine siblings sold away from the family. In her teens, Tubman suffered a broken skull from brutal plantation life. Her “owner” tried selling her as “damaged goods.” Instead she fled, walking for several weeks, mostly at night, the 90 miles to Philadelphia via the Un- derground Railroad. She returned shortly after- wards, guiding her family out of slavery to Canada. And that was just the beginning.
Over the following 11 years, with a bounty on her head, Tubman made approximately 13 trips south and guided an estimated 300 enslaved work- ers to freedom in Canada. This resolute, daring revolutionary declared, “I never ran my train off the tracks and I never lost a passenger.”Tubman warmly endorsed Brown’s armed struggles in Kan- sas against the pro-slavery gangs. Brown, in turn, knew Tubman’s courage, militancy, and knowledge of the land and Underground Railroad network, and felt Tubman would be invaluable in executing their plans to free the enslaved by any means nec- essary. He always addressed her as “General Tub- man.” Both believed in direct action and armed violence to end slavery.
Tubman became ill and could not bring her forces to Harpers Ferry, but her work inspired the rest of the raiders. Tubman’s example, like that of Osborne Anderson and the other Black raiders, discredited the image of Black people as passive victims, terrifying the southern enslavers and poli- ticians, and inspired the abolitionist movement.
Black rebels petrified slave-owners
To those today who say workers won’t fight oppression, the stubborn facts of history show struggle is universal. The slave-owners, although talking of “docile” Black workers, knew this well. They were petrified of potential Black rebels and of “outside agitators.” They patrolled all night with dogs and guns to intimidate their enslaved work- ers and to keep Yankees and abolitionist literature away from them.
Today the “outside agitators” are Progressive Labor Party (PLP) communists, fighting to abolish racist capitalism. The bosses assure us that the im- poverished working class is too ground down, too alienated to fight back collectively, saying workers hate communism. Yet they organize cops, plant security, the Minutemen, Black nationalists and sellout union “leaders” to try to keep communists out, and instantly fire them when they’re discov- ered in a factory. Why are they afraid if the working class is supposed to be so passive?
Today, uniting to fight the mutual class enemy is one of the main ways people of different back- grounds are able to overcome the “natural” seg- regation capitalist society promotes. Brown and Tubman demonstrated that racist and nationalist ideas cannot be overcome primarily inside one’s head. It requires material change in the way one lives. Among the Black and militant white aboli- tionists, multiracial unity developed over years of working together, getting to know each other while struggling over their differences.
Today, U.S. capitalism has created its own contradiction. Workers still often live in neighbor- hoods separated by “race” but many are integrated within their workplaces and schools. The bosses try to divide us there as well, with racist job clas- sifications and different types of bourgeois culture to keep workers apart (e.g., soul “versus” country music). Nevertheless, workers rub shoulders every day. Class-conscious workers in PLP must devel- op these acquaintances into friendships and un- breakable bonds in struggle.
Class struggle trumps racism
As in Tubman and Brown’s time, racism perme- ates society. But rebellions and strikes reveal mul- tiracial unity and struggle against the bosses. At the Smithfield Ham Factory in Tarheel, NC, for ex- ample, a 15-year unionization fight witnessed in- tense intimidation from the bosses to scare work- ers from signing union cards. But by organizing support from grocery workers from far and wide, Smithfield workers felt part of a larger community. When the bosses got immigration agents to raid the plant, targeting Latin workers for deportation, the workers saw through this divisive trick and, in November 2006, 500 marched out in a two-day strike protesting this raid, forcing the company to rehire all the fired immigrant workers!
In 2008 in the Bronx, NY, the Stella D’Oro work- ers went on strike for 11 months. These immigrant workers from across the world, men and women, overcame differences and stuck together. Not one worker crossed the picket line! PLP had organized friends, comrades, teachers and students onto the picket lines, bringing solidarity and communist leadership. PLP members steadfastly stood in solidarity with the strikers via donations, rallies and marches, and supported their fight against plant closure. The fight against police brutality is a protracted class war still being waged today. It is the same war left unfinished by Tubman and Brown. This summer PLP joined the militant anti- racist fightback against the kkkops, who in less than a year’s time, stole the lives of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Jacob Blake, and countless others The multiracial character of these protests are glimmers of the revolutionary potential of the working class.
John Brown’s raid and Harriet Tubman’s cour- age in freeing 300 slaves along the Underground Railroad teach us many lessons that hold valuable to the for antiracists. First, Militancy was foremost in their thinking. Tubman declared she would never return to being a slave, that she would rather die fighting. Brown, after fighting in Kansas, real- ized that only bloodshed could end slavery. Many workers agreed with them, especially after the 1857 Dred Scott decision legalizing slavery nation-wide.
The second is that Multiracial unity is essential in any fight. Black workers escaping from enslave- ment received needed help from white abolition- ists to reach the North. Thousands of workers,
Black and white, helped escaping slaves along their journeys and defended them when attacked by slave-catchers. These workers attended public meetings, donated money, passed word to their friends and helped harbor fugitive slaves.
PLP does similar things today. We discuss po- litical struggles and the vital need for multiracial unity against the racist system with friends, cow- orkers and neighbors. We urge them to join in militant antiracist demonstrations, build a multi- racial base with fellow workers or donate to CHAL- LENGE. Every time someone we know does one of these simple acts, they’re making a political com- mitment in the fight against racism, capitalism and imperialism, just as thousands of anti-slavery porters did against slavery — taking small steps to serve and defend those who had escaped slavery as well as those who fought it directly.
Join PLP
We invite all workers, soldiers and students who participate in these struggles to join Progressive Labor Party.
Today’s supporters of antiracist struggle un- derstand — just as did the thousands backing Brown and Tubman 161 years ago — that revolu- tionaries like the raiders then and PLP now are the honest, reliable leaders in struggle. When direct action is required, they know to whom to turn. CHALLENGE constantly reports workers being won to militancy and multiracial unity in struggles against the racist bosses, hailing those joining our ranks. Step by step, the communist movement will grow and lead the working class to revolution and a new world based on members of our class mu- tually meeting each other’s needs, without racist bosses and their profit system.
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Rodwell-Spivey struggle Justin released, fight to be free from capitalism continues
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- 29 August 2022 736 hits
NEWARK, NJ, July 26—As a group of multiracial workers rallied outside the Veterans Courthouse on MLK Blvd., Monique Rodwell, the mother of the Rodwell-Spivey Brothers, texted the Rodwell Spivey Defense Team group chat. “Come up guys, they agreed to release him.”
After a year and two months of being detained and punished in one of the most dehumanizing ways on earth, the City of Newark’s prosecutor’s office temporarily set down its whip to release Justin Rodwell from jail. Our defense team of Progressive Labor Party (PLP) members and friends have rallied around the Rodwell-Spivey family from the beginning in support of their decision to unite against police terror and in defense of every worker ever put under the boot of this racist, capitalist system. One of the first things our defense team did was invite the family to attend a kickoff to the PLP 2022 Summer Project, and now this year, we’re fighting side by side with a stronger relationship and more lessons learned.
Although the defense team called to ‘FREE JUSTIN,’ as long as capitalism rages on, no worker could ever be free. Not only does this system thrive on exploitation of our class—and the super-exploitation of Black, Latin, Asian, immigrant, and women workers—it also strips workers of our humanity through police terror and mass incarceration. Both are just another form of roping workers into wage slavery.
On June 1, 2021, the Rodwell-Spivey brothers were roped into the system's clutches when two undercover kkkops pulled up on and assaulted Jaykil (Supreme) Rodwell and Jasper (Kick) Spivey as they were talking with a street vendor outside of their house. Their brothers, Justin Rodwell, Branden (Bam) Rodwell, and neighbors came running to their defense. Kkkops called on their klan-in-blue for backup. A truckload of cops, from undercovers to suits, accosted and arrested all four of them. Bam, arrested the most aggressively, was tossed to the ground when he verbally refused to be arrested from behind.
Smash mass incarceration
After discovering that one of the Rodwell-Spivey brothers’ public defenders was an ex-cop who was fired for planting drugs on someone, we spread the word like wildfire that we needed to fundraise for another lawyer. We shared the body camera footage with students from Essex County to Kingsborough College, started (and still run) social media pages, sent emails, and made calls to as many people as we knew. It helped exponentially that the story went viral on Twitter. For months we petitioned outside of a Home Depot, grocery stores, and on the ‘number blocks’ in Newark about the terror Black and Latin workers in the area face. Black workers shared their experiences about being roughed up by the cops, robbed, and duped to take pleas and sit in jail for years. On the day of the most recent trial, one man heard our speeches and chants outside the courthouse and ended up spending the day with us, telling us about how he was recently released from Northern State Prison and could tell the courts were trying to railroad the family over like they did him and countless others affected by mass incarceration.
Nearly 50 of us packed the court and showed proof that the eyes of the working class are on this case. With the sharp strategy of our collective, we were able to build our lives around the family and use a huge political event for our base to highlight these racist courts and pack them with an intergenerational, multiracial group of fighters. It was a lesson and a reminder that this system will never favor our class, from Newark to Colombia. In cahoots with racist public school administrations, politicians, welfare systems, and police, judges and court-appointed bailiffs exist to penalize and lock workers up as soon as we step out of line (see previous CHALLENGE issue). And to these historically racist courts and prosecutors' offices’ dismay, the Rodwell-Spivey family will not go at this harassment and terror alone. As long as anti-racist workers under this system can fight back, no worker will ever be alone.
Released, but not free
Justin may have been released, but that does not mean he is free. Justin and his brothers face prison time, with Justin facing the harshest penalty: forty-three years with no possibility of parole. All because he and his brothers dared to fight the police. As Justin, the Rodwell-Spivey family, and countless others in Newark still battle for housing, peace without police, and economic stability, the fight is far from over! Being targeted and harassed by these institutions under capitalism is an economic and emotional tax on our class. As the U.S. Marshals service functions, ‘Operation Essex Thunder,’ “the District of New Jersey and the New York/New Jersey Regional Fugitive Task Force once again used their multi-jurisdictional investigative authority” to target and arrest 34 Black workers in June (usmarshals.gov, 6/17).
With two liberal Black mayors, Newark’s Mayor Baraka and NYC Mayor Eric Adams, in office, this is fascism or betrayal and institutional stomping out of the working class by so-called liberals. On the heels of another week-long water crisis with a break in Newark’s water mainline, Baraka led a ‘Peace March’ and, in his speech, blamed parents of incarcerated workers for eruptions of gun violence in the city. But what Baraka and Adams will never say is that they represent the largest gang known to man, the United States government, and are sweeping up the pieces of the failings of bosses before them, all while blaming the workers for their complacency in the exploitation of our labor. But for their reign to live on, they must punish one working-class sector while pretending to serve their more loyal base of workers.
The only way to grant our class a true victory against this system is a full communist revolution. To get there, we need to actualize the potential of what we as workers can do as an armed mass movement, not by swearing into electoral politics and anti-working class rhetoric year after year. Many of us need to participate in antiracist struggles like these because struggle and fightback are the only way that we build and learn how to fight for a communist world where racist courts, judges, and prisons cease to exist. No amount of police accountability or bail reforms will work when it is the system itself that is rotten.
Next steps in the ring of fightback
Our next steps include petitioning and flyering throughout Newark and celebrating Justin’s release on September 9 on the block where it all happened. Although Justin is released, this system fails Black and Latin workers like Justin and the Rodwell-Spivey brothers en masse. And reforms like the decision to end cash bail reform in NJ only adapt the chains around our class’ necks. Justin is open to our politics and agrees that racist mayors and overseers like COs and street officers only look out for themselves and their capitalist bosses. Also, both phony politics of having identity-based representation and reform failed his family and will fail workers worldwide without an international working class revolution. Even when we are released from one form of terror, without communism, we will never be free!
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Fight for AC heats up, again! Residents choose CHALLENGE
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- 29 August 2022 502 hits
Hyattsville, MD,August 22–Last year Friendship Arms residents were sweltering in the summer heat with no A/C. They petitioned, called the mayor and held an exuberant, noisy rally inside and outside of the building. The goal was achieved — air conditioning in the building’s hot stuffy hallways. Friendship Arms is a subsidized building for seniors and persons with disabilities overseen by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. Two residents of the building started reading CHALLENGE as a result of the Progressive Labor Party’s (PLP) participation in this struggle.
Fast forward to summer 2022. No A/C in the hallways again! A PLP member works with Hyattsville Aging in Place (HAP), a volunteer, nonprofit organization helping seniors to stay in their homes and apartments. The PL’er called four residents weekly to make sure that they were safe. Once alerted to the dire air quality in the hallways, the PL’er organized calls to the City’s code compliance hotline and reached out to members of HAP outside of the building to make sure the officers of HAP were aware of the situation.
HAP stepped up and encouraged the new mayor and council members to get involved. A signed petition that was sent to the owners of the building, LIHC, forced action. LIHC is currently being sued by family members who lost loved ones in the Bronx fire in January (see CHALLENGE, 1/22/) A lively tenants’ meeting attended by the mayor and a council member showed how vocal and concerned the residents were. The PL’er regularly inspected the hallways and emailed updates to all. This built trust among the residents and put pressure on the mayor and council. Out of this struggle, another person started reading CHALLENGE and helped write this article.
Only with bold action and spreading communist ideas can we get rid of this capitalist system and put the working class in charge. Workers are the best ones to run society. Join Progressive Labor Party.
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Part 12: Black communists in the Spanish Civil War Thyra Edwards: antifascist thinker and fighter
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- 29 August 2022 824 hits
This is part 12 of a series about Black communists in the Spanish Civil War. In the early 1930s the urban bourgeoisie (capitalists) of Spain, supported by most workers and many peasants, overthrew the violent, repressive monarchy to form a republic. In July 1936 the Spanish army, eventually commanded by Francisco Franco, later the fascist dictator, rebelled to reestablish the repressive monarchy. Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini's Italy gave Franco massive military aid.
In 1936 the International Communist Movement, called the Comintern, headquartered in the Soviet Union and led by Joseph Stalin, organized volunteers, mainly workers from more than 60 countries into the International Brigades (IBs) to go to Spain to defend the Republic. Black workers, especially Black communists, emphasized the importance of fighting racism to win anything for the working class. And they brought this antiracist fightback with them when they returned to the United States. They were building a movement they hoped would lead to communist revolution around the world. They succeeded in organizing millions around communist ideas and practices. But the movement believed that uniting with liberal bosses and fighting for “freedom and democracy” to defend the Republic in Spain would further the fight for communism. This was part of the united front against fascism, which resulted in only fortifying the bosses system and laid the basis for the corruption of the old communist movement.
In the Progressive Labor Party, we are against any unity with capitalists. They all have to go and the working class must rule: that's communism. If the working class is to seize and hold state power throughout the world, Black workers’ leadership is essential. That is the only way our class can destroy racism, the lifeblood of capitalism. The following is a story of one such leader, Thyra Edwards.
Black, woman worker, organizer, and communist
Born in Texas in 1897, Thyra Edwards trained as a social worker, then as a labor organizer at Brookwood Labor College. In the early 1930s Edwards traveled to the Soviet Union. She declared:
The Soviet [Union] has made women free economically by giving them access to all types of employment. It has extended that freedom by freeing them from bearing children against their wishes.
It is necessary that [Black workers] in America give more attention to the Soviet solution of the race problem. The one thing is certain: that only in a Socialist society can [Black, Latin and Asian workers of the world hope for salvation and equality.
Sometime during the early 1930s Edwards secretly joined the Communist Party.
For Edwards, the Spanish Civil War represented the central battleground in the war against fascism. She went to Spain in early October 1937 to report on the conditions of Spanish children who had been evacuated from bombarded areas after their parents were killed.
Black women leadership builds internationalism
Before going, she declared:
“No force in the world today so threatens the position and security of women as does the rising force of fascism. Fascism degrades women.”: we are not on an inter-racial, save the Negro crusade but rather on an inter-national commission concerned with freedom and democracy for all kinds of people. Just now the Spanish people happen to be symbolic of all the rest of us. And certainly there isn't going to be any freedom and equality for Negroes until and unless there is a free world."
On October 20, 1937 she attended a convention of the National Assembly of Spanish Women against War and Fascism. When she rose to speak, about 3,000 women and children gave her a lengthy standing ovation as they shouted, with clenched fists raised, “Viva la Raza Negra!” Leading the ovation was Dolores Ibarurri Gomez, “La Pasionaria”, a communist whose impassioned speeches helped to rally Loyalist forces. Edwards wrote:
It was an overwhelming and tremendous expression of solidarity with [Black] people and with all peoples struggling for freedom and full emancipation and education and progressive development. ... For in truth Spain is the battlefield on which all our destinies are being fought just now, and fought with such relentless courage and such clarity of direction.
In Spain, Edwards discovered the limits of liberal capitalism when she asked whether the Republic would grant Morocco self-rule. Many Black Africans, called Moors: fought on the fascist side in the civil war. Franco, the fascist leader, was commander of the Spanish colonial army. A representative of the Spanish Republican government told her that they wanted help from France [they never got it], and France feared that if the Republic gave self-rule to the Moors, the same anti-imperialist demands would be made in the French colonies of North Africa. Capitalism, whether liberal or fascist, leads to nationalism and neither benefits the working class. Today the Progressive Labor Party fights for communism. No deals with capitalists!
After returning to the U.S. Edwards and nurse Salaria Kea (see CHALLENGE, 3/30) went on a tour of twenty-one cities to raise money for an ambulance to send to the Spanish Republic. Langston Hughes, Paul Robeson, and Richard Wright contributed to the fund-raising campaign, Robeson making the first contribution of $250.
The publicity centered on Salaria Kea: A brave young Harlem Hospital nurse who went to Spain last year to do her bit in the world struggle against Fascism, returned on the S.S. Normandie of the French Line Monday, the rumble of guns still roaring in her ears and the stench of blood still in her nostrils.
Edwards wrote the booklet “A Negro Nurse in Republican Spain” about Kea.
A pamphlet titled “The Negro Ambulance Fund” connected the war in Spain to women’s rights: “Fascism stands for the subordination of women. Mussolini and Hitler have established that women have one exclusive function: To bear children for soldiers for the State … Under Fascist government not only trade unions are liquidated but fraternities, women’s federations, lodges, cooperatives, and peace organizations.”
The ambulance was inscribed, “From the Negro People of America to the People of Republican Spain.” On the speaking tour her lecture stressed the common interests of Black and white workers in their struggles to satisfy these needs.”
Black boss, white boss, same rotten nationalism
Edwards spoke to many CIO union groups. She was red-baited by Black “company union” boss C.W. Rice. The organizers targeted local nurses and doctors. They received much support from the Association of Colored Graduate Nurses but got almost none from the conservative National Medical Association, the “Black AMA.”Edwards had a strong class analysis:
In a message that touted housing as a “social right' and health insurance as a “state responsibility,” Edwards praised the role of ladies' auxiliaries in recent sit-down strikes led by the CIO, and she noted that women had been shot down on the picket line a few months earlier in the Memorial Day Massacre outside Republic Steel's plant on the South Side of Chicago.
“… We had the fallacious idea that a black boss would be superior to a white boss when what we want is a democratic order with no boss with his heel on our necks.”
In organizing for a conference of Black groups Edwards stressed a class, rather than a nationalist, emphasis:
… disagree[ing] with the decision to … ignore the issues faced by the black working class. “… [S]tressing police brutality against Negroes in Washington is narrowing the basic issue of police brutality and ignoring their attacks of workers on picket lines, in strike zones, hunger marches and unemployment demonstrations.”
Struggle in later years
During World War II Edwards taught about the Soviet Union. In 1948 she and her husband moved to Italy, where she helped organized the first Jewish childcare program in Rome to assist child Holocaust victims.
Edwards died of breast cancer in 1953. Thyra Edwards' life and contribution to the communist internationalism demonstrates that Black women’s leadership is key to smashing racist capitalism and sexism to liberate the entire working class. Even the FBI, who monitored her work until her death, understood this and feared and attacked her and other Black communists like Claudia Jones, Paul Robeson. Now more than ever we must reject the twin dangers of Black nationalism and feminism, and carry the torch for communism as she once proudly did.
Sources: Gregg Andrews, Thyra J. Edwards; A. Donlon. “Thyra Edwards’ Spanish Notebook”; Erik McDuffie, Sojourning for Freedom; Salaria Kea: A Negro Nurse in Republican Spain. (pamphlet) - https://alba-valb.org/resource/salaria-kea-a-negro-nurse-in-republican-spain/ Wikipedia article on Thyra J. Edwards
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Bella Ciao, Comrade Larry, Bella Ciao, Comrade Larry!
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- 29 August 2022 574 hits
Larry was born on October 12, 1944 in Levittown, NY to parents who had been around the Communist Party. He liked sports and was a pitcher for the Division Ave High School baseball team. He got his BA in education from Harpur College and a teaching credential. After graduation he drove south, stopping in Gulfport, Mississippi. He asked about a teaching job, and the recruiter advised him against it since it was an all-Black school. Not to be deterred by racism, Larry taught math for a year. Moving west, he taught first at Pelton Junior High in San Francisco and then at Presidio. Once he made a lesson plan using the percentages of Kentucky miners who contracted black lung disease and the profits the bosses made from the workers’ suffering. Other teachers followed his lesson plan in their classrooms. He also organized a multiracial group of young people to form a Little League team coached by three other young comrades and included his students in pick-up basketball games.
Fighting the KKK and Nazis
Larry fought racism by taking on the KKK and Nazis several times in the late 1970s and early 80s with Progressive Labor Party (PLP) and hundreds of workers and students. He was arrested in San Jose and a KKKop separated his shoulder. Possibly the biggest battle was organizing to stop a Nazi rally in Oxnard near Los Angeles. According to a veteran comrade: “When the cops attacked us, Larry came to my rescue. I couldn’t run ... Larry grabbed my arm and literally ran me to safety...we took refuge on the steps of an apartment building. A man came out and insisted we come in so the cops couldn’t arrest us. He gave us water and offered us food.”
Larry later taught at Balboa High and then at Lincoln where he regularly took students for bowling and pizza on Saturdays. He developed a CHALLENGE network with other teachers while other comrades sold CHALLENGE and leafletted the students outside. He brought some of them to May Day in Los Angeles. He was elected to the teacher’s union executive board and helped develop a left caucus. Larry always got CHALLENGE out to people
After a few years the caucus defeated the old leadership. One main issue was the need to fight racism in the school district. The union represented classified paraprofessionals who were mostly Black and Latin women with lower pay and benefits while the majority of the teachers were white. The caucus raised that struggles must build unity among all workers and students. They eventually won that paras would be covered under the same wage and benefit proposals as the teachers in contract fights.
Summer projects in Delano, Watsonville, and Mississippi
During the summer Larry almost always went to projects that PLP teachers organized with students. Some memorable ones were among Latin farmworkers in Delano and striking cannery workers in Watsonville. One summer, fighting the Klan in Mississippi, Comrade G remembers: “Larry and I went to Tupelo with the International Committee against Racism and PLP. It was a frightening time, and I was scared to death. Larry became one of the most influential people there. Thoughtful and calm, his presence helped the group focus and deal with problems as they arose. This was a powerful contribution.”
Larry struggled with Bay Area comrades to “lead with CHALLENGE” and encouraged us to improve our distribution. He led by example by developing a CHALLENGE route, dropping papers off at houses of friends and coworkers, libraries, stores and coffee houses. He promoted involvement in mass organizations.
Sing, study and distribute CHALLENGE
Larry sang and played the piano and guitar. He and comrade L sang together at most May Day dinners. She was a member of the Rockin’ Solidarity Labor Chorus and convinced Larry to join. He loved it! At rehearsals he distributed CHALLENGE during breaks. The Chorus was thrilled when Larry would take common songs and write parodies—and sometimes entire songs—to those tunes. These revisions were revolutionary and whimsical. One of the songs he wrote was “The Working Class” to the tune of “Amazing Grace.”
More recently, Larry and other comrades formed a study group with members of the Chorus and from Larry’s school. A highlight was the discussion of the 10 PLP principles of CHALLENGE. When people in the chorus were told about Larry’s death, the director and some members talked about Larry’s gift in writing songs—and that he, his wit, and his gift would be missed. One member of both the chorus and study group took over Larry’s job of distributing CHALLENGE at Rainbow Coop Grocery. Larry also worked in HEAT, a group devoted to keeping SF City College as a community asset for the whole working class. When Larry's passing on July 11 was announced, many HEAT members praised his years of dedication to City College and as a fighter against racism.
Larry and his wife enjoyed ballroom dancing and traveling. He was proud of his son and two daughters and spoiled his seven grandchildren, five great grandchildren, nieces, and nephews.
Despite his illness Larry struggled with and encouraged his comrades forward. He was a proud communist until the end.
